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Letter from Amir Habibullah Khan to Hazaras - Year 1890 |
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Amir Habibullah Khan ( 1901 - 1919 ), son of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan ( 1880 - 1901 ) - the Pushtun ruler of Afghanistan that persecuted Hazaras based on their religious beliefs, addressed this letter to the Hazaras acknowledging the atrocities committed by his father against the Hazaras. The letter asks the Hazaras to return back to their land, Afghanistan.
[ Click on the map for a bigger view ]
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Genocide & Persecution of Hazaras |
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Afghanistan is called the heart of Asia, while Bamyan is the heart of Afghanistan due to its rich cultural civilizations and even for its important geographical location. In the ancient times Bamyan was the nearest link road between Central Asia and the Subcontinent. Bamyan has been mentioned in Chinese as FAN-YAN or FAN-YENNA and in Pehlavi (Old Persian) as BAMIKAN (1).
Bamyan has not been merely recognized because of its Buddhist civilization in the world, but the characteristics of many other ancient civilizations are also found there. Among these, most famous name is ruins of the city of ZOHAK (MARDOASH) which was considered the biggest city of its time (2).
According to reliable historical evidences after the ritual congregation at PATNA (India) in 247 BC, the great ASUKA (3) sent three Buddhist monks DHAMMARAK-KHITA, MAJAHAN-TIKA and MAHARAK-KHITA for preaching to GANDHARA, Afghanistan and other countries. During that era an important "stupa" (4) was built in Bamyan. Later on, during the period of great Kaniska (5) the most famous ruler of Kushan dynasty (6) the Buddhist sect MAHAYANA got developed and thus the golden age of stone carving were started. In that period Bamyan was selected due to its geographical importance and best geological characteristics, and the work of carving of statues and caves was started. According to well-known French Archaeologists J-Hacking, Mr. &. Mrs. Godard who visited Bamyan in 1922 and 1924, the first statue of Buddha (35 meter high) locally known as "SHAMAMA" was carved during the 1st century AD. At the time the art of stone carving was not advanced and developed, so they carved an other improved statue 600 meters away form the 1st locally known as "SALSAL" which is 53 meters high, (2nd and 3rd century AD) the largest statue in the world. It is considered the most beautiful masterpiece in the art of Sculpturing. Besides that, there were two smaller statues in the meditating position (10 meters each), which were later on destroyed but still the places and signs are visible between these two grand statues. Around these two statues hundreds of smaller and bigger caves have been made, probably for Monks and special guests. Most of these caves had been painted which can be seen obviously.
In its bloom period, no doubt Bamyan was one of the most sacred and holy places for the Buddhists all over the world. Buddha's followers used to visit there every year for ritual purposes. Moreover, Bamyan played the role of the main and nearest link road between the Central Asia and Sub Continent. Therefore, at that time thousands of trade caravans were using Bamyan as junction. For accommodations of these thousands of people some twelve caves were made in FOLADI and KAKRAK passes (10 km away east form main Bamyan Valley) (7).
According to the history, at first in 6th century AD, the White Huns damaged this civilization and after getting revival to some extent, later on the Muslims thoroughly annexed the whole region up to 9th AD. Then they rooted up the Buddhism. The Muslims however didn't much damage except chapping the faces of Buddha's Statues. After them the great Mongol warrior Genghis Khan also came in the region in 1221 AD, and during long besiege of Bamyan city his beloved grand son MOTOKUN was killed by the Hazaras, so Genghis army destroyed the whole famous city GHULGHUL of Bamyan and its surroundings in revenge, but he did not touch any of the statues or painted caves because he had a soft corner towards Buddhism.
During the modern era of Afghanistan this historical heritage was badly damaged during the regime of Amir Abdul Rahman (1880-1901) when Amir conquered this region after a long and sever battle with the Hazaras (1880-1893). He not only killed and forced thousands of Hazara to migrate but also destroyed the whole historical Heritage, specially the Heritage of Bamyan which belonged to the Hazaras, in revenge.
King Amanullah (1919-1929) was the first ruler of Kabul who came to know about the importance of this historical heritage and declared the value of the national heritage of Afghanistan. At first he removed Surrais (hotels) away form the statues, and made vacant the caves by the occupied people and their cattle. Later on he invited French archaeologists for chronological survey of this historical site. Unfortunately after King Amanullah, other Afghan rulers like Nadir Shah, Zahir Shah and Sardar Dawood Khan on political reasons once again put this historical site in complete ignorance. After long time pro-Moscow regime paid attention to the protection of this heritage with the help of UNESCO, but this process was stopped due to civil war in Afghanistan.
In 1990 the whole province of Bamyan was annexed by Hezb-e-Wahdat (Hazara party) knowing the importance and value of this historical heritage. Hezb-e-Wahdat put full attention towards this site. The Old Bazar, which is lying beside the heritage, was being shifted gradually away from the site. The New GHULGHUL BAZAR remained incomplete due to occupation of TALIBAN.
A directorate had been established by Hezb-e-Wahdat under the supervision of Mr. Safwat, but not having sufficient resources, they could not make any major steps towards the protection and preservation of the whole heritage. They did some positive steps towards the safety of the site. Like preventing illicit and unruly digging and encroachments of dwellers.
In May 1997 the Taliban commander Mullah Wahid raised statement that after having held Bamyan city the whole heritage would be blown-up. At that time they did several attacks on Bamyan city. Due to the Taliban bombardments, the conglomerate floor which lies above the great statues arch, had been cracked.
After one year, in September 1998 when the Taliban held the Bamyan Valley, they made good on their earlier statments and fired several rockets on the Giant Buddha's statues (8) Even though they were told not to damage these giant statues (a cultural and historical heritage of human being specially the people of Afghanistan) by the secretary General of UNO an other well known world leaders.
No doubt that no one can deny the importance of this human grand civilization, which is considered to be the level of Egyptian civilization. But Unfortunately the Taliban is trying to ruin this human heritage on fanatic and prejudicial basis because it is beloved that the two Giant Buddha's where built and growthed Bamyan civilization by the Hazaras. Bamyan known a capital city of Hazarajat and having known as a heritage of Hazaras, Taliban representative of fanatic Pushtun historic and racial enemy of Hazaras are trying to destroy this human heritage on the basis of racial and religious prejudices.
UPDATE:
May 02, 2001 - Buddha Statues Completely Destroyed by Taliban In a display of extreme prejudice against the Hazara people the Taliban have destroyed two of the world's tallest ancient statues of Buddha in Bamyan, Afghanistan. Bamyan is the center and heart of Hazarajat region inhabited by the Hazara people since the 11th century and maybe earlier
The Taliban leaders issued a religious edict deeming the two of the World's tallest Buddha Statues, which are carved into a mountain, as non-Islamic and ordered their destruction. The Taliban are supported by their masters - the Pakistan army and Saudi Royal family.
Islamic scholars all over the world have condemned this decision and act of barbarism. The 2000 year old Buddha Statues were believed to have been carved during the time of the Kushan dynasty which are believed to be the ancestors of the Hazara tribe that inhabits Bamyan, the heart of Hazarajat region.
Please follow this link to the News Archive to read more about it.
Nov 18, 2001 Swiss plans to rebuild Buddhas of Bamyan destroyed by Taleban
Glossary:
1. ASAR-E-ATHEQA-E-BAMYAN DAR HAZARISTAN written by Andre Godard, translated in persian by Ahmed Ali Khan. Published in Iran. 1372 H.S.H (1993 A.D) PAGE NO= 24&158.
2. HAZARHA WA HAZARJAT-E-BASTAN DAR AYENA-E-TAREEKH.written by Haider Ali Jaghoori, Published in Quetta-1371-H-SH- (1992 A.D) PAGE NO=51
3. ASHUKA - was the grand son of great Chandra Guptha Muria, the founder of Muria dynasty who freed the whole territory of ancient India and became the king in 273 B.C. Ashuka embraced the Buddhist religion and became one if the most active preacher of Buddhist religion.
STORY OF CIVILIZATION VOL- 1 (OUR OREENTAL HERITAGE) BY WILL DURANT.TRANSLATED IN URDU BY TAYYAB RASHEED-LAHORE-PAKISTAN-JAN 1996 PAGE NO= 74&75
4. STUPA Shrine (TEMPLE) of Buddhist.
5. KANISHKA (c. 78 - 140 A.D) The most well known conqueror and powerful king of Kushan dynasty, the vast area of his reign was from Oxis River to Gangies and Sind River to TARUM River of KHATAI (CHINA).
Haider Ali Jaghoori Page No= 59&61
6. The Kushnis were Yuechis who had been driven to the land south of the OXIS river (today's Afghanistan's Northern boundary) following tribal wars although the Kushnis Empire collapsed in the Northern Hindukush in 220 A.D. They continued ruling in southern Hindukush until 425 A.D.
They Hazaras of Afghanistan by Syed Askar Ali Mousavi. London 1998-P.No. 38
7. ASAR-E-ATHEQA-E-BAMIYAN DAR HAZARISTAN P.NO. 16
8. An article by Pakistani Talib Militant Ahmed Khan Kamrani, Published in November 30, 1998, in Daily MUSHRAQ in Quetta, Pakistan And November 15, 1998, in Daily DAWN Karachi, Pakistan.
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Last Changed: Feb 18, 2005
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HAZARGI LANGUAGE
The word Hazara
The word Hazara came from the Persian word "Hazar" meaning one thousand. This term is the translation of the Mongol word "Minggan" (my cousin name). Which was a unit of Mongol army. The Mongol armies were divided into several units like "arban" (tens), "jaun" (hundred), "minggan" (thousand) and "tuman" (ten thousand). Thus the highest unit in the Mongol army was a "tuman" and the lowest was "arban". While these words were used strictly in the sense of military organization. Later, during the 14th ? 17th centuries, they lost their actual meaning. As among the Eastern Mongols, for example, the word "tuman" was no longer a military unit, but represented a larger tribal group or a Mongol feudal life. Thus, larger Mongol tribe, the Oirat, consisted of four tuman-ulus, ulus being a race or nation in Mongol dialect. With the rapid consumption of the Mongol soldiers in the continuous war, soon it was not possible for the Mongol military leaders to provide 10,000 fighting men, and slowly this term disappeared completely among the Mongols, instead a lower unit of Mongol army, "minggan" or "Ming" came into use. During the period between the 14th and 17th centuries, the word "minggan" was replaced by "Obog" and in Persia, by the term "HAZARA" for a thousand. Both Obog and Hazara, in later years were employed to designate a tribal grouping.
The people, Hazara
Hazaras are among few races on the face of the earth about whose origin so little is known. The overwhelming majority of the Hazaras consider themselves the descendants of Changez Khan ( Genghis Khan), the great Mongol warrior of 13th Century.
Persian, Farsi
The Language which is related to the Hazaras(PERSIAN, DARI, FARSI) ; 5,600,000, 25% of population (1992); more than 1,000,000 in Pakistan; 7,000,000 in all countries.Various Dari dialects in Khorasan Province (Iran), and provinces of Herat, Hazarajat, Balkh, Ghor, Ghazni, Budaksham, Panjsher,and Galcha-Pamir Mountains and Kabul regions. Indo-Iranian, Iranian, Western, Southwestern, Persian. Dialects: DARI (AFGHAN FARSI, HERATI, TAJIKI, KABOLI, KABULI, KHORASANI), PARSIWAN. Dari is taught in schools; radio Afghanistan broadcasts are promoting a standardized pronunciation of the literary language which is based on the old fictional tradition of the country, with its archaic phonetic characteristics. Formal style is closer to Tehrani Persian (Farsi); informal style in some parts of Afghanistan is closer to Tajiki of Tajikistan. Phonological and lexical differences between Iran and Afghanistan cause little difficulty in comprehension. Most Afghan dialects are closer to literary Persian than Iranian dialects are to literary Persian. Arabic script. Zargari (Morghuli) is a secret language used among goldsmiths and perhaps others, based on a dialect of Persian. Their real language is Persian (see also Balkan Romani in Iran).National language. Sunni and Shi'a Muslim. 70 Jews (1980) speak the same dialect as Muslims.
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The Hazara Mongols of Afghanistan represent one of the last surviving Mongol remnants in western Asia of the Vast empire which was conquered by the armies of Chinggis Khan in the early thirteenthcentury and consolidated by his descendants. The Mongol origin ofthe Hazaras is attested by their high cheekbones and sparse beards, which readily distinguish them from Afghan and Iranian neighbors. The name "Hazara"is derived from the Persian word hazara, meaning "thousand," which came to be applied in the western Mongol empire to the military unit which the earlier Mongols called ming or minggan, "thousand". Contrary to the tradition often reported in modern publications, there is no evidence that Chinggis Khan left garrisons south of the Oxus when he returned to Mongolia in A.D 1227. A study of historical records indicates that the Hazaras are descended from Mongols who entered what is now the Hazarajat in central Afghanistan at various times between A.D. 1229 and 1447. In 1229 a Mongol army was is patched to the west, of which a part was stationed in the region of Ghazni until 1241. In 1256 a grandson of Chinggis Khan, Hulagu (Hulegu), marched west against the muslim caliphs of Baghdad, and his descendants, the Ilkhans, ruled Iran for nearly a hundred years. On more than one occasion troops stationed in northeastern Iran revolted against the Ilkhans, and it is possible that some of these rebels sought refuge in the central mountains of Afghanistan, where they could more easily avoid punitive expeditions.
The largest number of ancestral Hazaras, however, seem to have come from Transoxiana, the appanage north of the Oxus which Chinggis Khan left to his son Chagatai. During the latter part of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries chagtaian armies swept repeatedly across the Hindu Kush and into India. Although they were unsuccessful in establishing a foothold in India, the Chagataian did gain control of the route to the Indus and, by the last decade of the thirteenth century, claimed as an appanage of Transoxiana the region, which includes the present Hazarajat. Later this territory came under the nominal control of the Ilkhans of Iran, but it was assigned by them to generals of Chagataian origin. Following the fall of the Ilkhanate in AD 1337, there is a hiatus in the historical records, but it would appear that the Chagataians remained as permanent residents in the area between Kandahar, Ghazni, Kabul, and the Hindu Kush and became the chief ancestors of the Hazaras.
In AD 1380 another Chagataian, Timur, invaded Iran and laid claim to the provinces of Kandahar, Ghazni, and Kabul. Under his son and successor, Shah Rukh, troops and administrative officials were sent into the area, and it is probable that some of them remained when the Timurids returned north of the Oxus to Samarkand on the death of Shah Rukh in AD 1447. By the time another Timurid, Babur, invaded Afghanistan at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Hazaras were a distinct people, dwelling in approximately their present habitat.
The modern Hazara Mongols have no tradition of descent from Chinggis Khan or from any of his family or followers. Indeed, the name of Chinggis Khan appears to be unknown to them except for a few individuals who have been told of the great Mongol conqueror by Europeans. |
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Language and Religion | |
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When Mongols moved into the appanage of chagatai in the thirteenth century, the area was occupied by Turkic-speaking peoples. The ancestors of the Hazara Mongols appear to have been influenced by thei Turkic subjects during their stay in Transoxiana, for many Turkic as well as Mongol words are present in modern Hazara speech. In Afghanistan the ancestral Hazaras became Persian-speaking. At the beginning of the sixteenth century some Hazaras still spoke Mongol, by the twentieth century, Mongol survived only as a minor vocabulary element. Bellew characterized the Hazara language as representing a thirteenth-century form of Persian. Morgenstierne, a trained linguist, more cautiously described Hazara speech as "a peculiar dialect of Persian". No descriptive study has been made of any of the Hazaras as are literate
At some period after their entry into Afghanistan the ancestors of the Hazara Mongols adopted the Shi'a Muslim "twelver" faith of the Persians. All Hazaras dwelling within the Hazarajat are "twelvers". Such Hazaras on the periphery of the Hazarajat as have been converted to other Shia sects or to the Sunni Muslim religion are not regarded by the twelvers as being properly Hazaras. |
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Location and Population | |
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The Hazaras proper traditionally occupied an area extending from the central spine of the Hindu Kush southward though the foothills to Ghazni, Mukur, and nearly to Kandahar and from the Paghman Range, just west of Kabul, to an undetermined point some distance east of Heart. The name "Hazarajat" has been given to this area south of the Hindu Kush. The Timuri, who live east of the Unai Pass toward Kabul, do not consider themselves as dwelling in the Hazarajat, although they are accepted without question as Hazaras. On the other hand, the Yek Aulang, who lives in the Yek Aulang Valley on the north slope of the main Kohi Baba Range of the Hindu Kush, is included in the Hazarajat.
In the late 1880's many of the Hazara tribes revolted against Abdur Rahman, the first ruler to bring thecountry of Afghanistan under a centralized Afghan government. Consequent on this unsuccessful revolt, numbers of Hazaras fled to Quetta in Baluchistan and to the area around Meshed in northeastern Iran. Most active in the revolt were the Uruzgani, the southernmost of the Hazara tribes. Following their defeat, a considerable number of Uruzgani left the country, as did many Jaghuri, their nearest neighbors to the northeast. The territory, which they abandoned, was occupied by Afghans of the Ghilzai tribe. In 1904 Habibullah Khan, successor to Abdur Rehman as amir of Afghanistan, issued a proclamation granting amnesty to the Hazaras who had taken refuge in India and Iran and inviting them to return to Afghanistan. They were promised new land in Turkestan to replace that in the south, which had been appropriated by Afghan, and many took advantage of this offer. While considerable colonies remain around Quetta and Meshed, the majority of the emigrant Uruzgani, many Jaghuri, and fragments of other tribes are today to be found in the general area between Maimaneh and Mazar-e-Sharif, in northern Afghanistan.
The author was unable to visit Turkestan, and data obtained from informants in Meshed were not adequate for mapping the distribution of tribes in the north. This group of Hazaras seems to have been completely overlooked by travelers in the area who have published their observations. For the Hazarajat, the former locations of a number of tribes are shown on Survey of India maps, and these locations can sometimes be checked with other sources. However, the locations of tribes shown on Map I should not be taken as representing the present location. Afghan tribes have been encroaching from the south, and a recent publication shows that, in the west, former Hazara territory is now occupied by tribes of the Chahar Aimak. Just as the tribal map shown in this volume is out of date, so the tribal population estimates given below are over forty years old. Lacking more recent data, the map and the population estimates will serve as a point of departure for an analysis of social structure. They should not, however, be accepted as representing thepresent location and population of tribes in the Hazarajat
The largest and most stable of the Hazara tribes are the Dai Kundi (population 52,000), Dai Zangi (60,000), Besud (100,000), Polada (45,000), Jaghuri (117,500) and Uruzgani (65,000). The first four listed are traditionally considered as belonging among the "original" Hazara tribes, "Sad-i- Qabar". The Uruzgani are said to be made up of two branches - the Dai Khitai and the Dai Chopan - which themselves formerly constituted independent "original" tribes. The Jaghuri are among those tribes considered as "Sad-i-Sueka", of mixed descent. Of the other original tribes, the Sheikh Ali live north of the Hindu Kush and, because of their religion (Ismaili Shia and Sunni), are not accepted as part of the Hazara community. The Dahla, said by one informant to be extinct were listed by another informant as a section o the Polada. According to a scholarly Hazara informant, Mr. Khuda Nazar Qambaree, Dahla is a place name, the abode of the Zauli, who belonged to the Dai or tribe of Dala-Mezo, o which he Sultan Ahmad formed another branch. Dala-Mezo no longer exists as a tribe. An Uruzgani informant named the sultan Ahmad as the Uruzgani division to which he belonged and gave Zauli as another division of the Uruzgani.
Of the tribes not considered as among the original Hazara tribes, the Dai Mirdad, with an estimated population o 10,000, was named as a separate tribe by an informant familiar with the area as of 1910, whereas later it appears to have become a branch of the Besud. The Chahar Dasta (9,250), Muhammad Khwaja (16,650), and Jaghatu (42,350) are sometimes grouped together as the Ghazni Hazaras. The first two formerly constituted a single tribe which had branched off from the Dai chopan; but, whereas they are listed as Sad-i Sueka, that is, of mixed origin, the Dai Chopan are Sad-i Qabar, of "pure" origin. The Babuli and Chora, formerly independent tribes were listed by some informants as a consolidated subsection, known as the Sher Ahmad, of the Dai Khitai branch of the Uruzgani, although others regarded them as belonging to the Dai Kundi tribe. The Yek Aulang, mentioned earlier as dwelling just north of the Hindu Kush, are said to be an offshoot of the Dai Zangi. The Kalandar are said to be of the same stock as the Jaghuri. The Timuri, a tribe numbering about 1,000, with which this writer spent some time, are not mentioned by any of the earlier sources. The tribe seems to have been formed as a name group some time after the Great Rebellion, from lineages of Dai Kundi, Besud, and possibly other tribal origin.
Even before the Great Rebellion, as a consequence of which Afghans took over some of the territory of Uruzgani and Jaghuri sections, there had been a gradual encroachment of Afghans along the periphery of the Hazarajat. Masson, who spent several years in Afghanistan in the 1830's, wrote that the district o Wardak had formerly been "possessed by the Hazaras, who about one hundred years since, were expelled by the Afghans. The Hazaras would also seem to have held the country from Karabagh to Ghazni, but have been in like manner partially expelled. Indeed, the encroachments of the Afghan tribes are still in progress". This encroachment continues today.
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Habitat and Economy | |
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The Hazarajat is a country of high mountains and narrow valleys. It is estimated that the average elevation of the peaks is around 10,000 feet, and many rise to 12,000, 13,000 or even 15,000 feet. In the northeastern corner of Besud, narrow rapid streams drain eastward into the Ghorband, a tributary of the Kabul River. In the Dai Zangi territory, just north of the Kohi Baba ridge, rise some of the sources of the Heri Rud. Much of the Hazarajat, however, is oriented toward the Helmand River and its tributaries, which flow in a long, sweep southwestward toward the Sistan border of Iran. In the lower reaches of the rivers, the valleys are deep and marked with frequent gorges. The upper valleys are usually shallower and more open. Although occasional fertile plains are to be found, Broadfoot's description of one region is applicable to many parts of the Hazarajat: "I never saw anything wilder or more desolate. A steep footpath now descends the face of the hill, and ends in the valley of Jarmatu, a ravine between barren hills with a few yards of soil at the bottom".
In this high, interior area the winters are severe. The first slight snows begin in October, and heavy snow lies on the ground from December into March or April. During this time many communities in the upper valleys are snowbound. In April the snows begin to melt and for the next month or six weeks heavy rains swell the rivers. During the summer months no clouds dim the bright sky, and warm days are followed by cook, brisk nights. Except for an occasional wild almond in some of the upper valleys, no trees break the naked sweep of mountain and valley and only grasses and scattered shrubs soften the contours of the mountain slopes.
In such a habitat the Hazaras must painstakingly utilize every resource in order to survive. The narrow level floor of valley which can be irrigated are intensively cultivated. In some places, where the mountain slopes rise directly from the riverbanks, the lower slopes are terraced for crops. Irrigation channels, carefully banked with stone, are laboriously constructed, sometimes over a course of several miles, in order that unwatered level areas may be cultivated. Dry farming is practiced on such upper meadows as are available, but for the most part the vast stretches of mountainside are suitable only for grazing.
As a consequence, the Hazara economy is carefully balanced between agriculture and stockbreeding, with the latter playing a major role in the less fertile regions. The staple crops are barley, wheat, several kinds of legumes, and, in some regions. Maize. Cucumbers and melons are often raised, and poplar or fruit trees are sometimes planted along the edges of the fields. Rotation of crops is practiced, and alfalfa or clover is planted when needed to enrich the soil. Great flocks of sheep are kept some of which are sold or bartered for additional grain or for commodities not available in the Hazarajat. Where the grass is rich, horses are raised for riding, and in the south, toward Ghazni and Kandahar, camels. A few cows and oxen are kept for milk and for drawing plows, ponies or mules serve as pack animals, and goats are also found, but the animal wealth of the Hazaras do not raise fodder for their animals. In the late summer, men and boys may be seen scattered about the mountainside for miles around every village, gathering wild grass and shrubs for use as winter fodder. Other plants and shrubs are collected for use as fuel. Hunting is unimportant in the economy.
Two tribes engage actively in trade - the Dai Mirdad and the Timuri, who send caravans deep into the Hazarajat to obtain good for sale in outside markets. The chief products obtained by Timuri merchants for sale in Kabul are roghan (clarified butter), baraq (a kind of woolen cloth for which the Hazaras are noted), and pileless woven rugs. The other tribes do not professional trading. The few imported goods they require, such as embroidery silks, cotton cloth, and spices, are obtained from itinerant Indian merchants.
In spite of the most careful utilization of resources, the Hazaras cannot always obtain a living from the land. Many Hazaras go every winter to seek employment at Kabul, Kandahar, and Quetta, returning home in the spring. This is particularly true of the Besud and Ghazni Hazaras and to a lesser extent of the Jaghuri. A number of Hazaras live in Kabul throughout theyear, returning to their homes only for visits.
The Hazaras live in fortified villages called qale set on the lower slope of the mountain just above their cultivated fields. Until the twentieth century many tribes spent the summer with their flocks in pastures a short distance from the villages, leaving only a few workers to look after the fields. Timuri informants could not remember a time when they had lived in tents during the summer, and it is probable that most of the Hazaras now live the year round in their villages.
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THE TALIBAN AND THE HAZARAS
They issued me the last ticket to see the great buddha.
Then they collected the stubs and the visitor's book and bundled them into the sacks of documents to be buried. The remaining staff of the department for preservation of historical monuments had orders to hide even some things as innocuous as the books that recorded the impressions of visitors from six continents about the monuments of Bamyan. A potato patch will be the resting place for the archives documenting 20 years of war.
I was pleased to have a chance to wander round the Buddhas again. The rock cut Buddhas of Bamyan are cultural sites of great significance, and were once the center of Afghanistan's mass tourist trade. In historical times, these Buddhas were targeted by Zealots. Their survival through the two decades of war is amazing.
Once again, there is fear that zealous conquerors might just try to prove their anti-idolatry credentials by further destroying them.
At night there was an air of the day of judgment in Bamyan, tried to guess how long it would be before the Taliban arrived. The sound of haunting nocturnal congregational prayers carried across the valley.
The faithful feared that the Taliban would wreak revenge for 20 years of defiance and for their share of casualties in previous Hazara Pashtoon fighting. This fighting had seen some of the civil war's bitterest encounters, and the local prayed for deliverance.
The threat to the Bamyan Buddhas is symbolic of the one hanging over much of the population central Afghanistan.
I emptied my camera reel and headed for the security of Islamabad. My host, the head of the department for preservation of historical monuments, was busy closing up his office, loading his gelims (the famous rough woven Afghani rugs) and a few personal belongings in to his jeep. He had done what he could to preserve central Afghanistan's share of the world's heritage. It was now time for Haji sahib to return to his wife to share the agonising worry at the disappearance of their son, a lecturer in journalism at the university of Balkh in Mazar-I-Sharif, which had been over run by the Taliban a week before. Haji sahib's agony is shared by thousands of families, who fear that relatives in Mazar-I-Sharif may face a slaughter.
As the Taliban close in the statelet of the Hazaras, built up In central Afghanistan over the past 20 years, totters on the brink of collapse.
Bamian town lies at the center of Afghanistan vast, mountainous Hazarajat region. It covers about 100,000 SQ KM and is home to the Hazara tribe, which claims anything between 1.5 and 4 million people.
The Hazaras were prominent in the northern alliance that has been battling the pashtoon dominated Taliban of the south. The alliance has been plagued by factional fighting and misrule and collapsed militarily in the face of string of Taliban victories in July and August. Iran has been supporting the northern alliance and considers itself a natural ally of the Shia Hazaras, but Iran has been reluctant to commit the scale of assistance that might alter the turn of events. The rapid development of the last few months left Hazarajat, with the pockets controlled by Ahmed shah Masood in the north east alone in resisting the drive of the Taliban to conquer all of Afghanistan. The region is already crippled by an economic blockade which has let the near-famine conditions.
The Taliban capture of Mazar-I-Sharif in August had meant that Hazarajat was surrounded. It put the Taliban in control of the last remaining supply routs to the mountains and in a position to impose further hunger. The poorest of the area had survived by eating wild rhubarb, selling of their animals and entering in to debt. A continued blockade meant they could not buy food to tide them over the upcoming winter. The starvation could only get worse.
In the face of such overwhelming odds, the natural thing to do would have been to surrender. Personally, I had expected a rapid surrender once the fate of Mazar-I-Sharif was decided, and had hoped that this would at least serve to quickly bring down the price of grain. The Hazara's sense of desperation, however, is summed up in their proverb: tang amad dar jang amad (he who is cornered must fight).
What must have made Hazarajat contemplate such defiance?
If the Taliban achieve a military victory in central Afghanistan, and if the Hazara's main party, the Hizb-e-Wahdat, melts away in front of them (as afghan groups often do when confronted by certain defeat) then it will signal the end of a 20 year experiment in de facto regional autonomy. Whether the ultimate out come is restoration of order and national integration (the optimistic view at times communicated by the Taliban) or a new phase of civil strife (the catastrophic view espoused by the many of the Hazaras in Bamyan). The restoration of rule by Kabul in this part of Afghanistan will be a major historical significance.
Often the long period of civil war in Afghanistan has been depicted a period of anarchy. This has hardly been the case in central Afghanistan. There have been three phases to the conflict here. In the 1978-1983 period (immediately after the communist coup in Kabul and the subsequent Soviet intervention), popular local uprisings rapidly forced the communist Government to abandon all District headquarters and retreat to the regional headquarters in Bamyan. Meanwhile a new Hazara political movement, Shura Ittifaq, emerged in the wake of the uprisings. It was headed by agha-e Behishti of Waras and backed by the traditional religious leader ship of the area.
The shura was remarkably successful in quickly establishing a presence through Hazarajat and putting itself forward as the new regional government. However, during the 1983-1989 period as the US and Pakistan, on the one hand, and Iran, on the other, poured money into the anti Soviet jehad , there was a proliferation of armed groups operating in Hazarajat. They challenged the Shura ittifaq's hegemony and a bitter civil war ensued that is still remembered in Bamyan as the bloodiest phase of the conflict. The third phase (1989-1998) came as Iran put its authority behind a merger of the Hazara military and political groups under the banner of Hizb-e-Wahdat (party of unity). Wahdat was able to take over the autonomy project that shura had started.
After securing military and political allegiance of the numerous groups operating in the vast territory, Wahdat set about developing its regional government. It established district and regional level council, with specialist departments for justice, security, communications, commerce, women affairs, social welfare, health and education. When a coalition of mujahideen groups finally pushed the central forces of Najibullh out of Bamyan, Wahdat built the headquarters for its regional government here fast by the standing Buddahs.
Although the early popular risings had often targeted primary schools for their association with the communists, the expansion to access education was an important part of the policy.
Official education departments were established at the district level and they began to reactivate olds schools and open new ones, depending on the resources raised, primarily from local taxtation. The Hazaras had a strong sense that lack of access to education was what had previously left them politically marginalised and fit only to be porters in the Kabul markets. Education was part of the national revive that was planned.
In contrast to the Taliban areas, there was a significant expansion of female education under the Wahdat, helped in part by the recruitment of teachers from the refugees returning Iran and from the educated Hazaras displaced from Kabul. Although the main focus was primary education, Wahdat also setup a university in Bamyan. Until September, a team of lecturers from Balkh university was working on secondment at Bamyan's fledgling university.
Another practical task for the regional administration was to service the region's infrastructure, conscripting thousands of men every spring to reopen the roads after the snow melt.
New routes were developed, in particular the road to Mazar-I-Sharif which traverses through one of the world's highest altitudes and most inhospitable terrains.
The regional government was also busy developing landing strips, and levelling a mountain top plateau as an international airport.
The Department for Preservation of Historical Monuments was part of this forward looking agenda of the Bamyan government, a recognition that Hazarajat had numerous heritage sites of international significance.
Alongside the building up of regional civilian institutions, Wahdat also began developing its war machine. Initially, it was composed of a patchwork of local commanders who had emerged over the years fighting other communities of Afghanistan and the communists. Since the fall of Najibullah government, Wahdat gradually tried to fashion a conventional army, with commanders receiving commissions from the movement's leadership and conscripts from the districts. However, the army remained poor in resources, weak in command and control, and lacking in professional officers of proven quality. It would be safe to say that what victories it achieved were probably due more to desperation than military effectiveness or discipline.
Under lining the Hazaras regional autonomy project was a long history of conflict in the areas. Hazaras, thrown in to a state of urgent activity by the news of Taliban advances northwards, were mindful not just of the track record of the Taliban movement itself but also of the (ethnic Pashtoon) conquerors that had come long before. Hazarajat was only fully assimilated into Afghanistan in the 1890s by Kabul's Amir Abdur Rehman in a series of military campaigns. Hazara resistance to this integration was ruthlessly crushed, and folklore abounds with tales of towers of skulls erected by the victorious Amir. After the fighting was over, hundreds of members of the Hazara ruling castes, the mirs and the syeds were picked up by the Kabul forces and disappeared.
Following the annexation much of the fertile valley land at the base of the mountainous region was confiscated in favour of the pashtoon tribes.
Most significantly, in 1894, Amir Abdur Rahman issued an edict (a decree) granting rights over the pasture lands in the region to the pashtoon nomad tribe, the kochis, who had helped the Amir to conquer the area. For 90 years the kochis exercised these rights in their annual migration.
If there is sectarian bitterness in Hazarjat, it is largely directed at the kochis. In a classic case of agricultural pastoralist rivalry, the kochis are remembered for Terrorising the peasants (backed by the pashtoon administration) ,for strong arm tactics in petty trade and money lending, and for forcibly acquiring land.
Ultimately some of them set themselves up as landlord and their pashtoon style mud fortresses, now in ruins, still dot the Hazarajat countryside.
The reality of the civil war in Hazarajat is that it was directed against communism only momentarily. The Hazaras first and most significant acts in their autonomy project were to bar entry to the nomads, restore the arable land that they had bought or grabbed, and repeal the edicts of Abdur Rahman and Sardar Mohammed Daoud (president of Afghanistan 1973-78) granting the kochis control of the rangelands. For 20 years therefore, the Hazaras have controlled these natural resources. The panic In Hazarajat now is the fear that history will repeat itself and that the Taliban advance means nothing more than a Pashtoon reconquest.
The Hazaras fully expect their region to be pillaged in the days ahead, as during the conquest by abdur rehman.
The mood was summed up by one of the hoteliers I met in Bamyan (yes hazarajat has its share of roadside chai khana managed by enterprising women returned from Iran and Kabul).
She roars defiance, claim to have to killed eight looters in the war for west of Kabul, and promises to again shoulder her Kalashinkov if the old rulers try to return.
Elsewhere, people were immersed in deep depression at the prospect of becoming serf again. In pushte ghorgurey, former tenants now graze their animals on pastures once reserved for the Kochis, and they are now able to plane rainfed wheat and barley on the hillside. They point to a single decaying wall, all that is left of their old lord's fort, and tremble at the thought of how they will be punished for their audacity.
In Waras, despairing tenants of one of the big Pashtoon landlords contemplate what their returning master would demand in lieu of 20 years' of back rent.
In Panjao, I met Sohaila a women educated in Kabul who as a literacy instructor, is the only earning member of two families.
Her work at an NGO winter school last year saved her relatives from starvation. She is terrified that the United nations will be forced to abandon the education project she now works. But most impressive is Haji Sahib himself. He discreetly lets it be known that he has little hope of surviving a Taliban purge.
But the repeatedly quotes Arnold Toynbee (He was a famous Historian in the History and Histography) laments that the coming changes defy "the spirit of people" he warns that peace can not be achieved in this way. Military pacification, which does not address the old enmities under laying the struggle for the resources of the mountain, can not be the way to enduring peace. It is striking that the international assistance group, which in July decided to make Hazrajat a show piece for the united nations' new " common programming" approach, could do nothing to allay the civilian populations fear of an impending massacre. All international staff from the UN and most of the NGO's plus most of the national staff, were pulled out of the area at the first sign of the Taliban advance. The Bin Ladin affairs has made them even more cautious about returning. The agencies concern to take no risk with their own staff security means that they are unable to play the kind of witness role that many in the civilian population expected them to. The international aid agencies are confined to a peripheral role while the hazaras take their chances with their new rulers.
HAZARAJAT UP DATE:
21 SEPTEMBER.
On 13 September 1998, just over a month after the capture of Mazar-I-Sharif and the UN "last flight" out of Bamyan town, the Taliban announced that they had captured Hazarajat regional headquarters, advancing from the north. While the Hizb-e-Wahdat forces retreated into the mountains, the Taliban continued their push through the region, establishing themselves along main routs and linking up with their forces on the eastern borders of Hazarjat in order to rule out any contact between Wahdat and remnants of the opposition near Kabul. The Taliban set about establishing a new administration in Bamyan and the other conquered districts.
Wahdat was left dreaming of the deus ex machina of an Iranian invasion, and wondering whether it has the stomach for guerilla war. The 20 years of autonomy was at an end.
In Hazarajat, the population has little option but to bow their heads and accommodate to the new administration.
History and recent experience give them every reason to be terrified. The last time a pashtoon dominated army subdued Hazarajat a hundred years ago, the victory was followed by dreadful reprisals and a campaign of subjugation.
This time round, both Amnesty International and the United Nation high commissioner for refugees have released report saying that they have collected extensive evidence of the killing of thousands of civilians after the battle for Mazar-I-Sharif.
It is entirely likely that the Mazar-iSharif massacre could be repeated in Bamyan and the surrounding region, or even quieter, more discriminating, disapprearances of people associated with toppled local regime may take place. Once again, the international agencies, unwilling to be present on the ground in Hazarajat during the perilous transition (despite the Taliban Public invitations), have marginalised themselves by removing themselves. Would a Bosnian population have been abandoned in the same way?
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Last Changed: Feb 19, 2005
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